关键词: 索马里,和平,战争
Somalia:seeking moderates, fearing war
索马里:寻求和平,远离战争
What to do about Somalia
如何解决索马里危机?
THE situation may sound familiar. A failed state, where clans and warlords have torn the territory to shreds, is after 15 years of anarchy at last offered the chance of order, unity and stable rule. The problem? The new rulers are gun-toting Islamists who issue and enforce strict religious decrees and who are thought to have links to terrorist groups, perhaps including al-Qaeda. It may sound like Afghanistan under the Taliban. In fact it is Somalia today.
Outsiders face only a few choices in Somalia, none of them particularly appealing. One is to do nothing and let the Islamists try to take over the entire country and rule as they wish. They already control the capital, Mogadishu, and in the past few months have seized most of the centre and south. Another is to intervene, overthrow the Islamists and install a sympathetic government. But that looks a flight of fancy: remember the failure of American troops who tried to deliver aid to Mogadishu in the early 1990s (or, for that matter, the current woes of foreign soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan).
A middle path—a half-hearted intervention—would be the worst of all options. Yet this week Ethiopia, the regional power, seemed to be trying just that. On October 9th several hundred Ethiopian troops were reported to be deep inside Somalia, pushing back an Islamist army towards Mogadishu (see page 71). This year America lent clumsy support to Ethiopian-backed Somali groups opposing the Islamists, possibly breaking a UN arms embargo. Stepping in to encourage the fighting, but without acting decisively, merely strengthens extremists over relatively moderate leaders among the Islamists in Mogadishu. A jihadist fringe has been itching for a "holy war", which may mean terrorist attacks, against Ethiopia and other Western allies. This week, in response to Ethiopia's invasion, some Islamists made precisely such a call for jihad.
Worse, Ethiopia's intervention raises the prospect of a wider conflict. Ethiopia is partly motivated by a wish to hit its old foe, Eritrea, which is thought to be supporting and arming the Islamists. The risk of a regional war, fought by proxy inside Somalia, is real. The risk to neighbours is serious too. America is paying to beef up security on Kenya's northern border. Refugees are flowing out of Somalia. The African Union is fretting, with some members even suggesting a peacekeeping force be deployed to Somalia.
But there is a final option that is still worth considering. There can be no proper government in Somalia without the co-operation of the strongest force, the Islamists. Ethiopia and others may well prefer to see a weak and wretched Somalia rather than a united and Islamist one. They are wrong.
The Islamists in Mogadishu are not uniformly extreme. The comparison to the Taliban, though superficially attractive, is somewhat misleading. Some elements are abhorrent, ordering rough justice, summary execution of criminals and issuing severe religious decrees. But for the moment they are a minority. There are also relatively moderate Islamist leaders who could be coaxed by donors such as the European Union to talk about sharing power with the rump of an (Ethiopian-backed) transitional government that controls a part of Somalia near Ethiopia. Peace talks are scheduled for the end of the month, in Sudan. Talking to Islamist rulers may be an unpalatable choice. But it is the least bad one.
摩加迪沙的伊斯兰主义者并非尽是极端派。将之同塔利班相比,尽管颇有吸引力,但多少容易让人误解。其中一些人确实可恨,他们进行粗暴的审判,草率地处决犯人,以及发布严厉的宗教法令。但当下他们还只是少数。还存有一些相对温和的伊斯兰领袖,他们可以在如欧盟(European Union)这样的捐助者的劝诱下,同控有部分靠近埃塞俄比亚的索马里领土的(受到埃塞俄比亚支持的)过渡政府商讨分享政权。和平谈判已经安排月末在苏丹举行。同伊斯兰教主义者的对话可能是一个并不愉快的选择,但也是最不坏的一个。翻译 by witt